For instance, in Ernad taluk, they formed 60 per cent of the total population. With a large population of Mappilas facing the wrath of an unfair economic order sustained by the British, the ground was ripe for a major uprising to take place.
By when the nationalist movement was gaining momentum, little impact of it could be seen among the Malabari Muslims. The Congress was still seen as a predominantly upper caste Hindu organisation. Things changed in , when Gandhi decided to combine the call for Swaraj with the Khilafat movement that sought to preserve the Ottoman Empire and authority of the Turkish Caliph as the spiritual leader of the Islamic world. On August 18, , Gandhi along with Shaukat Ali the leader of the Khilafat movement in India visited Calicut to spread the combined message of non-cooperation and Khilafat among the residents of Malabar.
By January , the Mappilas, under their religious head Mahadum Tangal of Ponnani pledged support to the non-cooperation movement. The time when the Khilafat call had come to the Mappilas was also the moment when the agrarian situation in Malabar had reached a point of complete despair with the low-class tenants suffering under the oppressive measures of the landlords who were patronised by the British.
In this situation of agrarian crisis, the Congress reached out to the Mappila cultivators to actively support both the agrarian reforms and, in the name of Khilafat, for independence. In the next six months, the rebellion spread over a large portion of the southern Malabar region, leading to the death of approximately 10, people.
In the later stages of the movement, the target was exclusively the Hindu landlords, many of whom were forcibly uprooted and converted. The British government responded to the movement with much aggression, bringing in Gurkha regiments to suppress it and imposing martial law. A noteworthy event of the British suppression was the wagon tragedy when approximately 60 Mappila prisoners on their way to a prison, suffocated to death in a closed railway goods wagon.
Historians and politicians have for long debated on the nature of the Malabar rebellion. In the immediate aftermath, the incident was strongly condemned by the Congress leaders who put the blame completely on the shoulders of the government officials. As per the Congress, non-cooperation and Khilafat were in no way responsible for the brutality of the movement.
Rather it was the official treatment of the Mappila prisoners, which aggravated the movement. The religious context of the rebellion was definitely not lost in the interpretation. Writing in the early s, historian Stephen Fredrick Dale had in fact interpreted the Malabar rebellion as a form of Jihad. According to Dale, for the Mappilas the Islamic tradition of Jihad holy war was embellished by the long history of conflict with Europeans and Hindus. He believed that there was no clear connection between economic grievance and revolt.
Rather the general Islamic belief of Jihad and shahid that underlay the activities of the Mappilas. Dale, however, has been opposed strongly by several other historians who look into the economic or rural nature of the revolt. Explaining in thorough detail, the class divisions inherent in early twentieth century Malabar society, historian David Arnold wrote that the Mappila rebellion was neither solely economical nor religious, but rather a combination of both and need to be located as part of the larger trend of peasant protests that took place all over India in the 19th and 20th centuries.
In recent years though, historians have reached a broad consensus about the movement starting off largely as a protest against British authorities and culminating into a savage form of communal violence. To coin it in reference to the movement is to introduce a term that did not exist back then.
In that sense it is unhistorical. In , for instance, the stated aim was not to oust the Janmi system, but to establish an Islamic nation in Malabar. The evidence conclusively shows that it was the influence of the Khilafat and Non-co-operation movements that drove them to their crime. It ia his which distinguishes the present from all previous outbreaks. Their intention was, absurd though it may seem, to subvert the British Government and to substitute a Khilafat Government by force of arms. Judgement in Case No. The book further discusses how the Khilafat leader Ali Musaliar rose to prominence at the instance of a Khilafat conference held in Karachi.
Also, Ali Musaliar was not a native of Tirurangadi. He had only moved in 14 years earlier. So, there was not class revolt he was handling. It was a Khilafat edifict prepared and passed from a distant Karachi, possibly controlled by spiritual leaders of Islam. He posed as a great leader of the people.
Khilafat and non-co-operation meetings were held regularly under Ali Musaliar, and "these constant preachings, combined with the resolution passed in the All-India Khilafat Conference at Karachi last July, led the ignorant Moplahs to believe that the end of the British Government in India was at hand" . The Khilafat movement was introduced into this happy and peaceful district of Malabar on 28 April , by a Resolution at the Malabar District Conference, held at Manjeri, the headquarters of Ernad Taluk.
And at a second meeting held the next day at Pannur Mosque, there was some unpleasantness between the Moplahs on one side, and Nayars and Tiyyars, who resented the Khilafat meeting, on the other. Moplahs mustered strong and proceeded to attack the Matom place of worship belonging to the Hindu Adhigari of the village. The Moplah rebellion witnessed many cruel attacks on Hindus, and the British officers.
The Madras High Court, which adjudicated in this matter had passed judgements on each of the cases against the various Moplah rioters who were captured. The nature of crimes committed, need scrutiny from people, and so has been committed to this article for the world to see and reflect. The nature of crimes was so macabre, that even the writer of the book is confounded that even fanaticism cannot answer such brutality. The Special Judge who tried the case against the Moplahs remarked, " There is no evidence that the murders were committed because the murdered persons refused to embrace Islam, or resisted the rebels, or refused to show property.
The rebels seem to have meant to kill every male in the place whom they could catch hold of, and the only survivors were those who either got away or were left as dead.. Appendix IX of the book  captures the nature of the atrocities. The following were the various leaders of the movement who were sentenced to death following the Moplah riots.
On 19 November , about Moplah prisoners were sent by train from Malabar to Coimbatore. They were packed in goods wagons which, of course, had no ventilation.
In all, 82 men died. In the aftermath of this ethnic cleansing, the Suddhi Movement was created by the Arya Samaj. They converted over Hindus who had been forcibly converted to Islam by the Moplahs. However their leader, Swami Shraddhananda , had to pay with his life, due to this effort. On 20 August , the police attempted to arrest Vadakkevittil Muhammed, the secretary of the Khilafat Committee of Ernad at Pookkottur , alleging that he stolen the pistol of a Hindu Thirumulpad from a Kovilakam manor in Nilambur.
A crowd of 2, Mappilas from the neighbourhood foiled the attempt, but on the following day a squad of police arrested a number of Khilafat volunteers and seized records at the Mambaram mosque in Tirurangadi , leading to rumours that the building had been desecrated. A large crowd of Mappilas converged on Tirurangadi and besieged the local police station.
The police opened fire on the crowd, triggering a furious reaction which soon engulfed the Eranad and Valluvanad taluks along with neighbouring areas and continued for over two months. Following the mosque incident, the rebels attacked and seized police stations, government treasuries, and entered the courts and registry offices where they destroyed records.
The Malabar rebellion was an armed uprising in against British authority and Hindus in the Malabar region of Southern India by Mappilas and the. Kerala BJP president Kummanam Rajasekharan proclaimed on Monday that the Malabar rebellion of was the first case of Jihadi.
Some even climbed into the judges' seats and proclaimed the advent of swaraj self-rule. By 28 August , British administration had virtually come to an end in Malappuram, Tirurangadi, Manjeri, and Perinthalmanna, which then fell into the hands of the rebels who established complete domination over the Eranad and Valluvanad Taluks. Public proclamations were issued by Variyankunnath and Seethi that no harm should come to Hindus and that those Mappilas who resorted to looting would receive exemplary punishments. During the initial stages of the rebellion, the British military and police were forced to withdraw from these areas but by the end of August several contingents of British troops and Gurkha arrived.
Clashes with the rebels followed, one of the most notable encounters taking place at Pookkottur often referred by the Moplahs as Pookkottur War , in which British troops sustained heavy casualties and had to retreat to safety. During the early phase of the rebellion, the targets were primarily the jenmis and the British Government. Crimes committed by some of the rebels were accepted by leaders. Very quickly it turned out aimed at Hindus irrepective of their caste. After the proclamation of Martial law and the arrival of the British army, when some members of the Hindu community were enlisted by the army to provide information on the rebels.
By the end of , the situation was brought under control. The MSP then attacked the rioters and eventually subdued them. All over Southern India, a wave of horrified feeling had spread among the Hindus of every shade of opinion, which was intensified when certain Khilafat leaders were so misguided as to pass resolutions of " congratulations to the Moplas on the brave fight they were conducting for the sake of religion". Any person could have said that this was too heavy a price for Hindu-Muslim unity.
Gandhi was so much obsessed by the necessity of establishing Hindu-Muslim unity that he was prepared to make light of the doings of the Moplas and the Khilafats who were congratulating them. He spoke of the Moplas as the "brave God-fearing Moplas who were fighting for what they consider as religion and in a manner which they consider as religious ".
Swami Shraddhanand in the Liberator of 26 August The original resolution condemned the Moplas wholesale for the killing of Hindus and burning of Hindu homes and the forcible conversion to Islam. The Hindu members themselves proposed amendments till it was reduced to condemning only certain individuals who had been guilty of the above crimes.
But some of the Moslem leaders could not bear this even. Maulana Fakir and other Maulanas, of course, opposed the resolution and there was no wonder. But I was surprised, an out-and-out Nationalist like Maulana Hasrat Mohani opposed the resolution on the ground that the Mopla country no longer remained Dar-ul-Aman but became Dar-ul-Harab and they suspected the Hindus of collusion with the British enemies of the Moplas.
Therefore, the Moplas were right in presenting the Quran or sword to the Hindus. And if the Hindus became Mussalmans to save themselves from death, it was a voluntary change of faith and not forcible conversion—Well, even the harmless resolution condemning some of the Moplas was not unanimously passed but had to be accepted by a majority of votes only. The Viceroy, Lord Reading: The Rani of Nilambur in a petition to Lady Reading: Citing narratives available to him regarding the actions of the Mappilas during the rebellion, C.
Sankaran Nair wrote a strongly worded criticism of Gandhi and his support for the Khilafat Movement , accusing him of being an anarchist. He was highly critical of the "sheer brutality" of the atrocities committed on women during the rebellion, finding them "horrible and unmentionable". In particular, he referred to a resolution under the Zamorin Raja of the time and an appeal by the Rani of Nilambur. Thousands of Mahomedans killed, and wounded by troops, thousands of Hindus butchered, women subjected to shameful indignities, thousands forcibly converted, persons flayed alive, entire families burnt alive, women it is said hundreds throwing themselves into wells to avoid dishonour, violence and terrorism threatening death standing in the way of reversion to their own religion.
This is what Malabar in particular owes to the Khilafat agitation, to Gandhi and his Hindu friends.
A conference held at Calicut presided over by the Zamorin of Calicut , the Ruler of Malabar issued a resolution: According to official records, the British government lost 43 troops with wounded,  while rebels were killed, another injured and 45, imprisoned. Unofficial estimates put the number at 10, Mappilas killed  and 50, imprisoned, of who 20, were deported mainly to the penal colony in the Andaman Islands while around 10, went missing. Official estimates of forced religious conversions were put at , but unofficial estimates suggest a figure of between and Arya Samaj sources reported a number of , adding that the total might exceed ,  the highest estimate made.
Within five years subsequent to the conflict the agricultural output was averaging slightly more than prior to it. Qureshi has said that, "In short, contrary to popular belief, Malabar did not suffer a massive devastation, and even if it did the recovery was miraculous.
The novel has about thirty characters belonging to three generations of eight families belonging to Malabar during the end of the Second World War. It also received the Asan Centenary Award in , a special award given by the Kerala Sahitya Akademi for the most outstanding work since Independence.
Nineteen Twenty One , directed by I. Sasi and written by T. Damodaran , depicts the events of the rebellion. The rebellion also spawned a large number of Mappila Songs. Ahmed Kutty composed the Malabar Lahala enna Khilafat Patt in , which describes the events of the rebellion.